Institutional Investors and California’s Affordable Housing Crisis

The financialization of residential rental housing — the acquisition of rental properties by institutional investors, private equity firms, and large corporate landlords — is one of the most significant structural shifts in American housing markets over the past fifteen years. In California, this shift has been substantial, concentrated, and increasingly documented in its effects on rent levels, displacement, and affordable housing preservation.

Understanding how institutional investors operate, what research says about their effects, and what policy responses have been proposed is essential context for anyone concerned with affordable housing preservation.

Who Are “Institutional Investors” in Housing?

The term covers a range of actors:

Single-family rental (SFR) companies: Firms like Invitation Homes, American Homes 4 Rent, and Tricon Residential own tens of thousands of single-family rental homes, primarily in Sun Belt and suburban markets. These companies emerged primarily after the 2008 foreclosure crisis, acquiring distressed properties at scale when institutional capital was not otherwise flowing into residential housing. They have since expanded aggressively.

Multifamily investors: Private equity firms and real estate investment trusts (REITs) that acquire apartment buildings, typically with value-add strategies that involve renovation and rent reset. These include publicly traded apartment REITs (Camden Property Trust, Essex Property Trust) and private equity funds that acquire properties for rehabilitation and repositioning.

iBuyers and short-term holders: Automated buying programs that acquire, renovate, and resell single-family homes. While not landlords per se, their market activity affects price levels and removes properties from the owner-occupied inventory that could otherwise serve as affordable homeownership or small-landlord rental.

Local and regional operators: Smaller institutional players — family offices, regional private equity, and mid-size property management companies — that operate below the scale of national firms but above the “small landlord” threshold.

The Scale of Institutional Acquisition in California

Institutional investor activity in California’s housing market has been concentrated in specific markets and property types:

Inland Empire and Fresno: These markets, characterized by affordable single-family housing, warehouse employment, and strong demand from priced-out coastal residents, have seen the highest levels of SFR institutional investment in California. Research from CoreLogic and Attom Data Solutions documents significant investor acquisition in the 2020–2023 period.

Sacramento suburban markets: Elk Grove, Rancho Cordova, and Sacramento’s suburban fringe have seen institutional acquisition of older single-family rental properties, particularly those previously owned by aging small landlords.

Oakland multifamily: Oakland’s older apartment stock — subject to the Rent Adjustment Program but with significant below-market rents for long-term tenants — has attracted value-add investment that targets properties where rent increases are possible through tenant turnover or RAP petitions.

Statewide small multifamily: Two- to four-unit properties, which make up a large share of California’s naturally occurring affordable housing inventory, have attracted regional and local institutional interest as small landlords have exited.

What Research Shows About Institutional Investor Effects

The academic and policy research on institutional investor effects on housing markets has grown substantially since 2015, with increasingly consistent findings:

Rent Increases

A 2022 study by researchers at the Federal Reserve found that single-family rental companies charge rents that are 3–10% higher than comparable properties managed by individual landlords, controlling for property characteristics and location. This premium reflects the institutional operators’ market pricing sophistication, access to market data, and corporate mandate to maximize returns.

Research on multifamily value-add investment consistently finds that acquisition by institutional buyers is associated with significant rent increases at next turnover. Existing tenants with lease protections (AB 1482, local rent control) are somewhat insulated; market-rate tenants in newly vacant units face rents reset to market levels.

Eviction Rates

Research from the Eviction Lab at Princeton University and from California-specific studies finds that large corporate landlords file evictions at higher rates than small individual landlords, controlling for neighborhood characteristics. This reflects both the institutional imperative to minimize revenue loss from non-paying tenants and the corporate management approach that treats eviction as a standard operational tool rather than a last resort.

In a 2023 California study, properties acquired by institutional investors in the 2018–2022 period showed eviction filing rates significantly above the baseline for the relevant neighborhoods in the years following acquisition.

Displacement and Neighborhood Change

Community-level research in Atlanta, Charlotte, and Memphis — markets with high SFR institutional concentration — finds that institutional investor acquisition is associated with neighborhood-level demographic change, with lower-income and minority residents facing higher displacement rates in heavily institutionalized neighborhoods.

California-specific research on this question is earlier stage, but preliminary findings from Sacramento and Inland Empire markets are consistent with the national pattern.

Maintenance and Housing Quality

Research on housing quality outcomes for institutionally managed properties is mixed. Some studies find that institutional investors improve housing condition in formerly deteriorated properties; others find that under-investment in maintenance is a mechanism for cost reduction in institutional portfolios. In California, maintenance complaints and code enforcement actions against large corporate landlords have been documented in Sacramento, Los Angeles, and the Inland Empire.

Policy Responses: What California Has Considered and Enacted

California’s legislature and local governments have responded to institutional investor activity with a range of measures, most enacted or seriously proposed in the 2023–2026 period:

Vacancy taxes: Several California cities have enacted or proposed taxes on vacant residential properties, targeting investors who hold properties vacant. San Francisco has a vacancy tax; Oakland and Los Angeles have proposed variants. The effectiveness of these taxes as an affordability tool depends heavily on implementation.

Right of first refusal for tenants: Several proposals at the state level would give existing tenants a right of first refusal to purchase their unit when a landlord decides to sell. A tenant right of first refusal creates a pathway for tenant-controlled or community land trust acquisition that can preserve affordability.

Anti-rent gouging legislation: In the aftermath of natural disasters, California’s price gouging statutes apply to rent increases. Proposals to extend similar protections more broadly have been debated but not enacted statewide.

Disclosure requirements: Legislative proposals would require large institutional investors to disclose acquisitions of single-family homes above certain thresholds. California enacted some disclosure requirements for single-family rental purchases over 10 units in a jurisdiction; more expansive disclosure has been proposed.

Transfer taxes on large investor purchases: Some cities have enacted or proposed transfer taxes specifically targeting bulk purchases by institutional investors.

None of these measures has fully addressed the structural dynamic: institutional investors have access to capital, management infrastructure, and market data that individual landlords do not, and this advantage compounds over time in any market where rental housing is financially attractive.

The Small Landlord as an Alternative Model

The research on institutional investor effects underscores, by contrast, the value of small, independent landlords in the affordable housing ecosystem. Individual landlords charge lower rents (on average), file fewer evictions (on average), and maintain longer tenant relationships than institutional operators — not because they are more altruistic, but because their decision-making is shaped by different factors: community ties, long-term investment thinking, relationships with specific tenants, and the administrative reality that eviction is personally difficult in a way that a corporate filing rate metric does not capture.

This is not an argument for romantic idealization of small landlords. Some are negligent; some charge exploitative rents; some operate properties below habitability standards. But in aggregate, the research suggests that maintaining a robust small landlord sector in a housing market produces better outcomes for affordable housing preservation than allowing institutional consolidation.

This is why landlord retention — the specific focus of LeaseBase Housing Foundation’s work — is itself a housing affordability strategy. Keeping small landlords informed, compliant, and supported is not just good for the landlords. It is one of the most practical and underutilized tools available for preventing displacement and preserving affordable housing at scale.

Looking Forward

The institutional investor phenomenon is not going away. Capital markets will continue to find residential housing financially attractive, particularly in supply-constrained California markets. Policy responses will continue to evolve.

The most durable response, however, is not regulatory constraint of institutional investors alone — it is active support for the small landlord alternative. A housing market where the small landlord sector is strong, well-supported, and growing relative to institutional consolidation is a market where affordable housing is more likely to be preserved.

That is the long-term goal behind the programs and research at LeaseBase Housing Foundation. Learn more about our work →